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problems in somalia 2020

In fact, since 2018, the group has gained momentum and deepened its political entrenchment, prompting some members of the international community to question whether the State-building model is the right approach. Somalia expels Kenyan envoy in row over alleged poll interference Somali gov’t accuses Kenya of interfering in electoral process in one of Somalia’s five semi-autonomous states. According to multiple media reports, Aisha was raped, mutilated, and strangled to death. The federal government, regional authorities, notably in Puntland and Jubaland, and Al-Shabab continued to intimidate, harass and attack journalists. Militia groups have historically been a defining feature of Somalia’s conflict landscape, especially since the ongoing civil war began three decades ago. Despite USD $1 billion of international financial assistance and international training since 2012, the Somali National Army (SNA) continues to lack the gamut of fighting capacities, relying instead on international forces to wrest territory from al- Shabaab, or even to keep the group from openly retaking other large territories, including majorcities. The government appointed individuals implicated in serious human rights abuses to high-level positions. Sixty-seven percent of this figure is due to indiscriminate and targeted attacks, the majority improvised explosive devices (IEDs) attacks, by the Islamist armed group Al-Shabab. The government has yet to endorse the list of nominees for the country’s first independent National Human Rights Commission. The Somaliland government severely restricted reporting and free expression on issues deemed controversial or overly critical of the authorities. The Somali penal code, currently being revised, classifies sexual violence as an “offence against modesty and sexual honor” rather than as a violation of bodily integrity; it also punishes same-sex intercourse. However, Somalia’s State-aligned militia groups are also an underlying source of insecurity, violent contestation, abusive rule, impunity and pernicious outside manipulation. Attention to ensuring accountability for abuses remained minimal. There are an estimated 2.6 million internally displaced people (IDPs), many living unassisted and vulnerable to abuse. Part of the risk of greater foreign intervention in Somalia arises from intensified regional and geopolitical rivalries, which shape local contestations in Somalia — and are also shaped by those local dynamics. The following introduction is an excerpt from the case study, "The problem with militias in Somalia: Almost everyone wants them despite their dangers," produced by Vanda Felbab-Brown for the United Nations University report, "Hybrid conflict, hybrid peace: How militias and paramilitary groups shape post-conflict transitions," of which Adam Day was the project lead. This study analyses the pros and cons of relying on militias for security provision and counter-terrorism objectives in Somalia. The study also builds on the author’s previous fieldwork in Somalia in March 2015 and December 2017.5 To protect the safety of interlocutors and to encourage them to speak honestly and openly, all interviews during this and previous fieldwork trips are reported without the use of names. The states can use the militias as a bargaining tool in their negotiations with Mogadishu over power distribution. Security forces, notably police forces, responded with lethal force, killing at least 15 protesters and injuring many others between December 13 and 15, according to the UN. Humanitarian agencies face serious access challenges due to insecurity, targeted attacks on aid workers, generalized violence, and restrictions imposed by parties to the conflict. Embracing militias carries many risks: As this study details, the loyalties of militia groups are fluid, as they are susceptible to recruitment by their enemies and may prioritize their own interests — or those of an external patron — over those of the State. State-aligned militias help to offset the weakness of Somalia’s official security forces, produce greater motivation and better intelligence and enhance bonds with local communities, perhaps even suppressing crime and intraclan violence. CCCM partners in Somalia play a critical role in administering site­‐level coordination which feeds up to the national level. In January, when Somalia became a member of the UN Human Rights Council, the federal government expelled the UN head in Somalia, Nicholas Haysom, pointing to a letter in which he had raised human rights concerns around government actions in Baidoa. Interview with the author, Baidoa, January 2020. If remittances to Somalia do diminish significantly and the Hajj pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia is cancelled, if food imports remain restricted and prices start to rise, pressure will quickly mount. As such, their increasingly central role in the fight against al-Shabaab is a double-edged sword: short-term military gains must be balanced against the militias’ longer-term, destabilizing impact. Al-Shabab conducted targeted and indiscriminate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure using improvised explosive devices (IEDs), suicide bombings, and shelling, as well as assassinations, particularly in Mogadishu and Lower Shabelle, which resulted in over 750 civilian deaths and injuries, according to the UN. As a result of more than 25 years of civil unrest, Somalia’s governance structures have fallen apart, and militias control different parts of the country. Typhoid fever, dengue fever, malaria, Rift valley fever, Rabies, Schistosomiasis, protozoal and bacterial diarrhea, hepatitis A and E, etc. Appointment of electoral commissions, in charge of overseeing upcoming indirect elections, sparked major dispute; tensions rose with Kenya; and Al-Shabaab continued deadly attacks. Somalia. 30 Nov 2020 The section concludes with an analysis of the specific risks associated with the activities of the main militias across Somalia. In response, clan elders and local communities have bolstered their own clan militias as protection — not only against al-Shabaab, but also against the SNA. The ban on Foore was lifted in August. But eight years later, many of these efforts have not yet delivered results. This accounts for … Sorry, your blog cannot share posts by email. At time of writing, the court’s mandate remained unclear, and no juvenile facilities set up. Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people in 90 countries worldwide, spotlighting abuses and bringing perpetrators to justice, Human Rights Watch is a 501(C)(3) nonprofit registered in the US under EIN: 13-2875808, Displacement and Access to Humanitarian Assistance, Two Years After #MeToo Erupts, A New Treaty Anchors Workplace Shifts, Holding Companies to Account: Momentum Builds for Corporate Human Rights Duties, As Killer Robots Loom, Demands Grow to Keep Humans in Control of Use of Force, Shutting Down the Internet to Shut Up Critics, With Millions Out of School, the Countdown Begins to Get All Children into Quality, Accessible Education, Going to the Bank for Food, Not Money: The Growing Reality of Hunger in “Rich” Countries, African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) troops, first independent National Human Rights Commission, Military courts continue to try defendants in a broad range of cases, killings, maiming, and the recruitment and use of child soldiers, at particular risk of sexual and gender-based violence, police detained for three days Ali Adan Munim, many of them children and internally displaced. Cale Salih (Tokyo: United Nations University, 2018). Poor rains and extended drought over multiple seasons have had a major impact on rural livelihoods and food security in Somalia, pushing the country to the brink of famine, just five years after the crisis of 2011 that claimed the lives of over a quarter of a million people.. Over half of the country’s population -- 6.7 million people –are now acutely food insecure (IPC 2,3 and 4). Steps should be taken to hold accountable the most egregiously behaving militias. As part of its continuing efforts to combat al-Shabaab, the international community has partnered with Somalia’s national Government to build Somalia’s official armed and law enforcement forces and civilian institutions of governance, while advancing a plan to devolve power to the country’s states (known as federal member states). It will seek to address the zonal, regional and As a United Nations official in Mogadishu put it, “We have tried to get to reduced killing in Somalia without ever resolving Somalia’s conflicts.”3 And in the words of an international military advisor in Baidoa: “Fighting a war through proxies is fraught with proxy problems downstream.”4 There is growing evidence that embracing militias rewards entrepreneurs of violence, reinforces impunity, and perpetuates violence. Aisha Ilyas Adan, 12, went missing on February 24, and her body was discovered the next day near her home in North Galkayo, Puntland. They give rise to and allow the entrenchment of powerful militant groups such as the Al-Qaida- supporting, jihadist Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen, commonly referred to as al-Shabaab. Last modified on Thu 15 Oct 2020 09.21 EDT More than 2 million people could face starvation by the end of the summer, unless there are urgent efforts to respond to the drought in Somalia . As a result, countries such as the United States, Kenya, Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates — the former three of which have military forces in Somalia — are losing their appetite for the State-building project in Somalia.1 With the SNA chronically underperforming, these countries are poised to intensify their cultivation of pro- Government militias to fight against al-Shabaab. Somalia is marauded with a number of domestic problems including poverty, lack of basic services, national debt, and security issues to name a few, however of all of these problems, the most pressing is the lack of access to clean water that the nation faces. The competition between UAE and Qatar over political and economic dominance in Somalia continued to exacerbate intra-Somalia tensions, both between Mogadishu and federal states, and with Somaliland. Other actors with substantial military assistance in Somalia, such as the Emirates and Turkey, may not be able to resist the temptation to intervene more forcefully. Two journalists, Mohamed Sahal Omar and Somali-Canadian Hodan Nalayeh, were killed in a July 12 Al-Shabab attack on a hotel in the southern port city of Kismayo. The epidemiology of COVID-19 and its interaction with other diseases in Somalia, and in Africa, is not yet known, but will be revealed in the coming weeks. Somali government forces responded to a handful of largely peaceful demonstrations with lethal force. In addition to reviewing the relevant existing literature, this study is principally based on fieldwork conducted in Mogadishu and Baidoa, Somalia, in January 2020. According to media reports and the UN, between December 31, 2018, and early November, 2019, the government had carried out at least 16 executions, all for alleged terrorism-related offenses. On February 10, the regional court in Hargeisa suspended the Foore newspaper for one year and fined the editor, Abdirashid Abdiwahab Ibrahim, 3 million Somaliland shillings (US$300). This portion of the study explains the international community’s dilemmas in deciding how to deal with these newly strengthened forces. Instead, policies should be adopted to reduce at least some of the most pernicious effects of militias and to mitigate their worst tendencies, even while working through and with them. Al-Shabaab remains one of Somalia’s most powerful political and military actors. He was accused of insulting public officials, disrupting government work, and spreading propaganda. See, Vanda Felbab-Brown, “The Hard, Hot, Dusty Road to Accountability, Reconciliation, and Peace in Somalia: Amnesties, Defectors’ Programs, Traditional Justice, Informal Reconciliation Mechanisms, and Punitive Responses to al Shabaab,” in The Limits of Punishment: Transitional Justice and Violent Extremism, ed. It details the evolution, effectiveness and effects on stabilization efforts of several militia groups — Macawiisleey, Ahlu SunnaWal Jama’a, South-West Special Police, Mukhtar Robow’s militias, Ahmed Madobe’s militias (the Jubbaland State Forces), the Puntland Maritime Police Force (PMPF) and the Puntland Security Force (PSF).

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